Congress passed the final 2024 defense appropriations bill on March 23, nearly six months after the start of the fiscal year. Unfortunately, delayed funding is nothing new. Congress almost never passes appropriations bills that the President will sign on time, seemingly caught by surprise each year when time is up to finish this fundamental responsibility.

A return to what is referred to as regular order, meaning passage and enactment of all 12 appropriations by September 30 in a transparent, deliberative process is best for the nation and the tax payer. But for the 118th Congress, who has a dismal record of getting things done on time, this year is probably not the year for progress on that worthy goal.

From June 1, 2024 to September 30, 2024 when Fiscal Year 2025 begins, there are only 32 joint legislative days scheduled. The Pentagon should take a different approach this year in preparing for the inevitable continuing resolution (CR), which extends the current year’s funding and priorities into the next year.

Since the 2025 defense budget request of $850 billion does not even keep pace with inflation, the usual damage to national security and the tax payer’s wallet that comes from the lost buying power that accumulates under a CR will take second place to the disruptions and lost competitiveness caused by other negative elements to operating under a CR. Money would be in the wrong accounts. All military construction and family housing projects would be suspended. New programs and production necessary to counter China and protect the force would be delayed. The Department would also suffer from the inherent waste that comes with incrementally funding requirements and not getting the best price for its purchases.

Under a normal CR that just extends the current year funding, operations and maintenance accounts will be underfunded by over $11 billion, while the research, development, test, and evaluation accounts will have $4.5 billion more than requested. This misalignment puts readiness in jeopardy while money sits unused in accounts meant to pursue new capabilities, which are also not possible under a CR.

Among the numerous new starts in jeopardy in the 2025 budget are drone warfare capabilities such as the Family of Low Altitude Unmanned Systems (LASSO), a reconnaissance and attack munition, and Counter Small Unmanned Ariel System Intercept (Coyote). The war in Ukraine has shown the prominent role that drones and the defense against them plays in the new battlefield. Delaying funding for these programs will leave our forces behind on the modern battlefield.

The Marine Corps has requested 2025 funds to build Medium Landing Ships. These are important for the transformation of the Marine Corps Force Design 2030 as it prepares for littoral combat in defense of Taiwan and other Pacific island nations. The program would also be delayed under a CR. There are hundreds of other programs and capabilities at stake.

With inflation higher than expected, the prohibition on building new facilities like barracks, motor pools, and family housing not only hurts the force, but will also increase the eventual cost, so the tax payer will pay more for less. The normally uncontroversial military construction budget should be excepted under an election year CR.

It is also likely DOD will need continued supplemental funding in FY 2025 to support operations in the Middle East and provide support to Ukraine, another difficult election-year action that could face Congress in the coming months. Since there will be little interest in dealing with such a real-world problem until early next year, extension of emergency funding should be part of the CR as well.  

Instead of waiting, the Department should take the unprecedented step of proactively proposing what it would need in a five-month CR to mitigate the most serious impacts while giving a new Congress time to get moving on its most fundamental duty of funding the federal government.

This means requesting a CR that allows:

• $25 billion in transfer authority to properly align funds by appropriation title and that does not count against reprogramming thresholds for the year.
• Permissive authority for new starts and production increases as planned in the 2025 budget request, including funds for military construction projects with contract award dates planned for the first six months of the year.
• $23 billion appropriated into the overseas contingency operations transfer fund to be made available upon submission of a spend plan to fund continued support for Ukraine and other unforeseen emergency requirements during the length of the CR.

It took Congress 376 days to pass the 2024 defense appropriations bill. Given the impossibility of finishing work on the 2025 measure in one-tenth of that time, the Pentagon should take the initiative now to protect our security and those that provide it by requesting a special CR to allow continued progress until after the election.

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