It has now been more than two months since dozens of African leaders converged on Washington for the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit. Prior to the summit, President Joe Biden and Secretary of State Antony Blinken said the event was symbolic of America’s recognition of Africa’s importance in world affairs and a renewed commitment by Washington to compete on the continent. Put aside the arrogance of demanding nearly 50 presidents, prime ministers, and foreign ministers fly to Washington to save Biden the trouble of flying to Africa, or the photo-op of Biden kicking back and watching the World Cup with the continent’s greatest abusers of human rights and religious freedom. Rather, the real problem was the White House was virtue-signaling rather than signaling a true pivot to Africa. Biden appointed 79-year-old Johnnie Carson, a former assistant secretary, to follow-up but it took him two months to make his first trip to the continent, and then only to attend an African Union conference.
If the United States truly wants to cement its relationship with various African countries, the problem is not a lack of diplomacy but rather a failure to put business first. A case in point would be Djibouti. In the wake of the September 11, 2001 terror attacks, Djiboutian President Ismail Omar Guelleh allowed the Pentagon to headquarter a Combined Joint Task Force for the Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) at Camp Lemonnier, from which U.S. Africa Command has coordinated strikes against extremists and built partner relationships. Too often, however, the United States treats Djibouti, the third-smallest non-island African state, as just the location for a base.
In his nearly quarter-century in power, Guelleh, who was among the African leaders who traveled to Washington to meet with Biden, has carefully developed Djibouti as Africa’s Dubai: A place where all countries can do business and a state that studiously seeks neutrality within the framework of great power and regional competition. If Washington seeks to compete, then, it is essential to do so on Djibouti’s terms, with business.
In Djibouti, it might start with the Danakil Depression, which the tiny country shares with Ethiopia. In terms of hottest average annual temperature, it is the hottest place on earth. It is also one of the lowest. Scientists increasingly study its unique environment both to understand the limits of life and to gauge its prospects on other planets. There is also huge biomedical potential. A new gold rush is underway to understand bacteria and other life that live in extreme environments to understand potential medical applications, including in the treatment of cancer.
Both Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s erraticism and the country’s ethnic unrest make investment in Ethiopia risky. Djibouti not only presents a more stable alternative, but its deep water port better situates it for trade. American policymakers may worry about Djibouti hosting a Chinese naval base, but Guelleh’s presence in Washington shows he is serious about balancing ties with Beijing. Rather than offer him photo-ops or limit ties to the confines of the base, it is time to double down on America’s true brand: free enterprise. Danakil could be a biomedical gold mine. American firms operating from Djibouti should be at the forefront of its development. Diplomats might talk about relations, but it will be business that builds them.
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