House Armed Services Committee increases the defense budget authorization but avoids useful action on Afghanistan

Unlike the House Appropriations
Committee session on the Fiscal Year 2022 Defense bill in mid-July, the House
Armed Services Committee marathon markup this week, disposing of 780
amendments, was largely bipartisan and focused on military capabilities.

But the session was not without
political theater and acrimony, most notably on Afghanistan. While the
committee debated who was to blame for the avoidable and disgraceful situation
in Afghanistan, they adopted a number of amendments requiring an examination of
the situation.

It is always good to try to learn from a disaster like the abrupt US departure from Afghanistan, though directing the headline grabbing Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction to assess the performance of the Afghan security forces from February 2020 to August of 2021, as the committee now proposes to do, hardly seems useful.

And none of the adopted amendments will
do anything to help those currently facing oppression, torture, and death under
the Taliban.

While America churns on what went
wrong and the president “speaks out” about holding the Taliban accountable,
current reality intrudes to illuminate the embarrassing, inept ridiculousness
of such inaction.

U.S. President Joe Biden delivers remarks on Afghanistan at the White House in Washington, U.S., August 31, 2021. REUTERS/Carlos Barria

Reports abound about house-to-house
searches by the Taliban for weapons and innocent Afghan citizens, particularly
women, who have been working toward and enjoying increasing freedom and
prosperity.

Meanwhile, an unknown number of
Americans and Afghans who actively supported the US mission in Afghanistan
remain behind, hostages to the rapidly developing, barbaric regime.

In light of the realities in
Afghanistan and the larger, global implications that will continue to come to
light, it is difficult to completely focus on the outcome of the markup this
week and the programs authorized by the draft bill, but there are many and they
are important as the China threat looms.

Chairman Adam Smith characterized the
theme of the committee’s approach to this year’s bill as one of transforming where
we are headed, with a focus on better use of technology and innovation, and
more cost-effective development and protection of platforms to deter adversaries.

Illustrating this theme, the committee
authorized funding for key tactical air and land forces capabilities, nuclear
modernization, shipbuilding, cyber, and disruptive technologies.

The committee also adopted an
amendment proposed by committee ranking member Mike Rogers to increase the
defense top line by $23.9 billion.

Approved on a bipartisan vote of
42-17, the amendment mirrors action taken by the Senate Armed Services
Committee in late July. Details of how the Senate allocated the increase are
not yet available, but the House uses the resources to fully authorize
combatant command’s unfunded priority lists and support 200 projects requested
by members.

The amendment adds $9.8 billion to
procurement (including five additional ships, 17 additional aircraft, and
modifications and upgrades to ground systems), $5.2 billion to research and
development, $4.2 billion to cyber and innovation, $3.8 billion for military
construction and facility improvements, $3 billion for Operations and
Maintenance, $1.1 billion for defense health, $780 million for missile defense,
and $490 million for space.

Why is this important? It brings the
defense budget top line up to the minimal 3 percent real growth recommended by
the bipartisan National Defense Strategy Commission, acknowledges that defense
capability and capacity are both required, and restores cuts made to
procurement and readiness which if left unaddressed would put our forces at
risk today and tomorrow.

Once the full committee bill and report are filed, an assessment of referenced policy provisions to address the technology “valley of death” between development and deployment of new capabilities and other key authorization issues, such as the defense supply chain, should also inform what key issues will be part of conference negotiations with the Senate as the end of the fiscal year looms.

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