Lessons learned from the government’s failure to understand technology’s power

By Shane Tews

Following the United States’ withdrawal from Afghanistan,
the Taliban have reportedly seized biometrics devices left behind by the US
military. Over the past 20 years, these devices collected information on Afghan citizens who assisted the
US military, which was then sent to a Department of Defense (DOD) database. One
of the devices, known as Handheld Interagency Identity Detection Equipment
(HIIDE), was deployed in 2016 to collect iris scans and fingerprints to enable
quick identification of Afghan citizens and expand the aforementioned database
of their information. The DOD also built a highly classified Automated
Biometrics Identification System (ABIS), which hosted information from HIIDE
and other data-collection devices.

Taliban soldiers stand in front of protesters during a demonstration in Kabul, Afghanistan, September 7, 2021, via Reuters

Due to the incredible capabilities brought about by the
computing power of today’s technologies and the convenience of being able to use
biometric identification in the field via HIIDE, all these data points can be
cross-referenced to identify a person in minutes, if not seconds. While the
Taliban’s ability to access the HIIDE data remains in question, military
experts say a potential Taliban ally — China, Pakistan, or Russia — may be able to do so.

Even worse, the MIT Technology Review reports that the US-backed Afghan government constructed two
databases: its own database modeled after ABIS, and the Afghan Personnel and
Pay System (APPS) — a US-funded biometric database used to pay the Afghan
national army and police. In the Taliban’s hands, these two databases pose an
equally grave threat to Afghans who worked for or assisted the US military.
(APPS collected around 40 pieces of data per individual, from eye
scans to family trees and favorite foods.)

Investigative reporter and “First Platoon: A Story of Modern
War in the Age of Identity Dominance” (Dutton, 2021) author Annie Jacobsen says ABIS was designed to track terrorists and other
insurgents. Col. Senodja Sundiata-Walker, manager of the DOD’s biometrics
program, called ABIS a quick way to “collect, identify, and
neutralize the enemy.” Using HIIDE and other devices under the ABIS umbrella,
DOD’s stated goal was to identify 80 percent of the Afghan
population to help weed out terrorists and criminals.

Information collected by HIIDE was considered valuable
across the US government too. In 2011, the Government Accountability Office criticized the DOD for not sharing HIIDE data through the
interagency process with the Department of Homeland Security and FBI — which
would enable federal partners to identify potential criminals and terrorists.
The Department of State also used HIIDE data in their hiring process to vet
candidates for jobs at US embassies and in certain military operations.

The problem now is that the ABIS and HIIDE systems were
designed for efficiency on the US government’s end, not data security. Even
with recent cyber intrusions and hacks into US government
databases, there was no known effort over the last few years to encrypt HIIDE
data or, for that matter, any initiative to ensure the biometric data collected
from Afghans was secure. “Even back in 2016, it may have been the databases,
rather than the devices themselves, that posed the greatest risk,” the MIT
Technology Review notes. The demand to make the system interoperable between
agencies also likely created friction between the goals of easy and secure
access to data.

Iris scans have been used in the commercial market for
employee credentials and in transportation hubs such as airports to automate
identity checks at document control points. When employees or consumers agree
to use their iris as a data point, terms-of-use agreements act as an exchange
for access. But unlike with commercial use of biometric data, no deletion or
retention policy is in place for the HIIDE data collected and maintained on
Afghan people. The same is true for the Afghan government’s ABIS-based system
and the US-funded APPS program — both of which contain key data the Taliban can
now mine. “I wouldn’t be surprised if they looked at the
databases and started printing lists based on this . . . and now are
head-hunting former military personnel,” a person familiar with the APPS
database commented.

What should we learn from this potentially harmful
situation? First is the importance of establishing a full-circle ecosystem for
data collection and retention when creating any identity system. Data
governance and privacy advocates are always at odds with government entities
around how and what data should be collected, how they should be maintained and
shared, and when they should be permanently deleted. Control, security, and
privacy protections must be built into the original design of any data
collection system. And when the use of collected data migrates to other
operations, maintaining the data’s security, especially when transacting with
the government, must be a top priority.

As we look at data protection regimes and privacy
legislation, we need to consider how data will be used beyond their original
purpose to ensure usability, security, and privacy are kept intact. One purpose
does not beat out the other. Compromising security for ease of use will allow
dangerous situations to happen again — such as endangering Afghans who helped
our military and diplomatic corps.

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