By William Rau and Claude Barfield

Securing US leadership in the rollout and governance of 5G wireless technologies should be a top priority for the Joe Biden administration. The geopolitical challenge is clear: China is driving forward with an authoritarian vision for 5G that poses an economic and security threat to the West. Here are some initial suggestions for actions the new administration might take.

Assert White House leadership

The public policy challenges surrounding the rollout of 5G networks are complicated and multifarious. As a first step, the Biden administration should appoint a White House 5G czar — or at least an office backed by the president — to ride herd over the sprawling 5G agency actions carried out by the departments of Commerce, State, Defense, Homeland Security, and Energy, as well as the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) and NASA. With the Department of Commerce and FCC’s long history of quarrels, and the Department of Defense’s (DOD) consideration of complex spectrum-sharing technology for 5G that does not yet exist, clear guidance from a White House 5G czar could resolve long-standing disputes.

Additionally, the White House should update the Donald Trump administration’s 5G national strategy document, which was merely an outline of potential paths forward. A new strategic plan should set forth the role of the public and private sectors, resource requirements, deadlines, and avenues for international joint ventures and cooperation with trusted allies.

Continue the Ajit Pai FCC’s successful
spectrum policies

The FCC made notable progress with wireless spectrum auctions under former Chairman Ajit Pai. Importantly, it conducted a record-setting C-band auction unlocking for commercial use a key swath of mid-band airwaves for 5G. As our colleague Bret Swanson explains, the C-band’s frequency range is well-suited to the new cell architectures required for 5G connectivity, “which combine good coverage with high data speeds . . . [and] are especially useful for the newest 5G radio technologies, which can better exploit wide bands.”

At a recent AEI event, FCC Commissioner Brendan Carr outlined a series of spectrum auctions the agency should undertake to
free up more airwaves for commercial use. The Biden FCC would be well-advised
to follow Carr’s suggestions — while also taking a stand against the DOD’s
spectrum hoarding. Under Pai, FCC Democrats (who will control the agency when a
permanent chair is appointed) supported granting private carriers spectrum licenses in the L-band,
which the military argued would interfere with essential satellite
communications. Citing data from over 5,000 hours of testing (including 1,500 at a DOD
facility), the commission unanimously agreed that
commercial activity in the L-band would not disrupt military operations.

Looking overseas, wireless technology engineer Peter Rysavy suggests the US align its spectrum policies with international standards while allocating more mid-band spectrum for commercial use. Rysavy writes, “By harmonizing with these standards, which are consistent with the C-band spectrum approach . . . the United States will benefit from global economies of scale for infrastructure and subscriber equipment.” If partner nations allocate mid-band spectrum differently — and even faster — than the US, the absence of a lucrative international market could discourage American vendors from investing in 5G to begin with.

Promote open network architectures

Operators have long complained about the lack of competition among vendors in 5G baseline equipment. Specifically, Huawei aims to lock operators into long-term purchasing agreements for 5G equipment bundles — including base routers, antennas, and mobile ports. But as Commissioner Carr explains, alternatives such as open radio access networks (O-RAN) that separate the software and hardware layers of 5G networks would allow operators to integrate individual components from trusted vendors at multiple levels of the supply chain. But for O-RAN to be feasible internationally, the US must integrate its patchwork of network architectures into a national system, ensuring domestic networks have safe, open-source alternatives to cheaper Huawei and ZTE bundles.

The USA Telecommunications Act, which has cleared the House and will likely pass the Senate in coming weeks, would grant carriers Commerce Department funding for the deployment of O-RAN 5G networks domestically. By rewarding carriers that are committed to O-RAN, interoperability among different systems and components would become the new national standard.

The FCC has also opened an inquiry into the “steps . . . required to deploy Open RAN networks broadly and at scale.” Acting FCC Chair Jessica Rosenworcel recently said that “O-RAN seems like the ticket to increase competition, lower costs, and increase security.” With support from the administration and Congress, O-RAN’s future looks promising, but rolling out a decentralized O-RAN system without standardization would present major challenges for interoperability.

In a follow-up post, we will address international alliances,
pressuring China (via Huawei), assisting Congress, and bolstering the American
5G workforce.

The post Biden’s 5G to-do list, part I appeared first on American Enterprise Institute – AEI.