“I remind you that in the election campaign Netanyahu said that he would consider revising Israel’s policy on the supply of weapons to Ukraine . . . how actively this will continue with the Netanyahu government, if he manages to form it, we will see.” Thus spoke Ukrainian Ambassador to Israel Yevhen Korniychuk on Thursday following Benjamin Netanyahu’s victory in the Israeli elections.

Korniychuk is right—Netanyahu, just before capturing office, had hinted that Israel may provide increased support to Ukraine should he be elected, saying that he would “look into” supplying military support if he regained office. With his premiership now secured, however, Korniychuk’s doubts seem well placed. In his previous incarnations as prime minister, Netanyahu prided himself on a congenial working relationship with Russia, labeling the Russian dictator “smart, sophisticated and focused on one goal—returning Russia to its historical greatness” in his recent book.

In June, Netanyahu criticized then Prime Minister Yair Lapid and Defense Minister Benny Gantz for departing from the “measured, balanced and responsible relationship” Israel enjoyed with Russia before the war, and cautioned, “We can and need to get out of this crisis. I’m worried that what we built over years is being undermined before our eyes in recent weeks.”

Bibi’s cautions are not entirely political. Neither the previous government nor the new one can afford to write off Vladimir Putin. One the one hand, Israeli officials have clearly stated that they stand with Ukraine. But, but, but. Their concern is two-fold: First, Russia controls Syrian air space, where Israel has ongoing operations against Iranian targets helping arm Hezbollah. Second, and perhaps less credible, Tehran’s recent support for Moscow has raised concerns that eventually Israeli-supplied weapons could end up in Iran.  

But Israel is failing to account for the costs of ignoring Ukraine’s pleas for support. Ever conscious of the risk of antagonizing Putin, Jerusalem has ignored the costs of shunning Ukraine. Indeed, Ukrainian President Voldomyr Zelensky recently laid into the Jewish state—Zelensky himself is Jewish—asking what Israeli leaders thought Iran would get from Russia in exchange for sharing weapons with Moscow. “How does Russia pay Iran for this, in your opinion?” he asked. “Is Iran just interested in money? Probably not money at all, but Russian assistance to the Iranian nuclear program. Probably, this is exactly the meaning of their alliance.”

Israel’s failure to stand with another democracy under attack—a problem with which Jerusalem should empathize—casts an unpleasant light on its government. And as Russia shifts troops out of Syria to help fight its losing war in Ukraine, Israeli excuses for rejecting Kyiv’s pleas seem increasingly hollow.

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